Note: In preparation for the Raj Centennial conference, CDS faculty and PhD scholars have put together notes on the research work from the Centre using the conference panels as categories. This note on Employment and Gender should be interpreted as a work-in-progress, and the Centre hopes to work on it further based on feedback and more archival exploration. Further, we acknowledge that there are different possible thematic narratives of the research; the present note can be seen as a preliminary perspective constructed by the corresponding authors using a style and approach preferred by them.
Employment and Gender
The evolution of labour studies at the CDS reflects a multifaceted exploration of the historical, economic, and social factors that have shaped labour and the labour market in India. Starting from descriptions and analyses of the workforce, labour force participation, and economic and social structures, new challenges such as the gig economy and digitalisation have also been incorporated. Studies have drawn from economics, sociology, political science, history, and allied disciplines. Research on gender issues at the CDS has evolved significantly, moving from studies of fertility transition and human development in the 1970s to interdisciplinary studies to critical gender studies using a sharper lens of power and discourse. Studies in the 1980s and 1990s explored women’s work, agriculture, and the effects of male migration to West Asia. Later studies explore decentralised governance, student politics in higher education, and women’s self-help initiatives, while also addressing low female work participation and the impact of caste and religious identities in international migration of women workers.
Labour in a changing economic structure
In early studies, the core concerns were the historical transition to capitalist labour relations, structural transformation, surplus labour, underemployment, and low wages. Studies explored the absorptive capacity of agriculture and the imperative for rural transformation, and their regional variations (Vaidyanathan, 1986). The transformative ability lay in the interlinkages between the farm and non-farm sectors (Eapen, 2001). But structural transformation was not necessarily accompanied by rural employment transformation (Kannan, 2020). Studying Kerala, Panikar & Sunny (1973) challenged structural transformation theories as the state experienced a shift toward the service sector without a corresponding shift in agricultural employment. Yet real wages in agriculture rose on account of green revolution in parts of India (A. V. Jose, 1973, 1974). Agricultural wage growth in Kerala was also due to the growing bargaining power of trade unions which was precipitated by technological changes and class polarisation (A. V. Jose, 1977)—although trade unions themselves faced the challenge of marginalising women, Dalits and Adivasis (Kannan, 1981).
Over time, the agriculture sector and the rural economy more broadly were unable to sustain rural livelihoods. This fuelled internal migration, especially seasonal labour migration, predominantly from marginalised communities. In Kerala, the influx of migrant labourers and their interaction with local labour markets became a focal point revealing how migration reshaped economic and social landscapes (Prasad, 2016). These studies also scrutinised the effectiveness of rural employment schemes, noting persistent implementation issues that left many workers relying on migration for survival (Eapen, 1979).
During the process of structural shift away from the rural economy, unemployment was expected to be a serious concern due to poor employment generation in the industrial sector. The issue of educated unemployment gained prominence in the late 1970s and Eapen (1979) linked high unemployment rates to a mismatch between educational attainment and job creation. In the case of Kerala, while formal education expanded, the economy struggled to absorb graduates.
The West Asian 1970s oil boom and high domestic unemployment created enabling conditions for international labour migration especially from Kerala. The first Kerala Migration Survey estimated that about 1.5 million Keralites living outside India and Zachariah et al. (1999) argued that remittances contributed substantially to poverty alleviation. However, unskilled migrant labour worked under exploitative conditions (Zachariah et al., 2000) and the state took a patronising rather than enabling stance especially with female migrants (Kodoth, 2020). Further, reliance on remittances introduced new challenges: inflation and rising inequality as not all households had equal access to migration opportunities. Subsequent research explored the economic impact of remittances, highlighting the need for sustainable rather than temporary solutions.
Following privatisation and liberalisation in the 1990s, many CDS studies turned to implications for labour and employment. Kannan & Raveendran (2009) argued that the organised sector experienced ‘jobless growth’, capital intensification and fall in share of wages in the 1980s and 1990s (Kannan, 2013). Jobless growth was the manifestation of a dynamic process of job creation, destruction, and relocation rather than mere stagnation in employment (Abraham, 2019). After liberalisation, wage inequality widened, wages stagnated, and the labour share declined owing to rising capital intensity and technological change (Abraham, 2007; Abraham & Sasikumar, 2011, 2017a). In Kerala, after liberalisation traditional industries such as cashew processing shifted from factory to non-factory settings with deteriorating labour standards and informalisation of labour while power imbalance in monopsonist global value chains created a wage squeeze (Harilal et al., 2006). Similarly, WTO agreements encouraged Indian firms to integrate into global value chains through the low road to competitiveness of low-cost labour (Abraham & Sasikumar, 2011). The more recent period (the 2010s) saw an absolute decline in employment as well (Abraham, 2017, 2019).
Kannan & Raveendran (2009) brought the informal sector into sharper focus by conceptualising a dualistic economy where a well-paid formal sector coexisted with a vast informal sector characterised by precarious employment conditions and largely unprotected by labour laws. Social class, migration status, and initial economic endowments heightened the vulnerabilities of informal workers. Labour market duality is reinforced by the preference for informal employment, especially contract labour—permanent and contract workers experience vastly different working conditions. These trends were particularly pronounced among the less educated, rural women, Muslims, and Hindu OBCs (Kannan & Raveendran, 2019). And they were further reinforced by the fall of farming incomes which drove non-working household members to join the labour market (Abraham, 2009).
India’s economic transformation was predicated on the extant social structure, and growth often adverse affected social inequalities. Development-induced displacement and dispossession of livelihood pushed the indigenous population to margins (Haldar & Abraham, 2015) while religion-based occupational segregation created adverse labour market conditions for Muslims (Mansoor & Abraham, 2021). However, studies show that policy interventions such as reservations have social relevance and can enhance firm performance when applied across all employment levels (R. Jain & Abraham, 2024).
In the context of a large informal sector, ageing population, high unemployment, and a progressive political environment, Kerala became the ground for early experiments with social security. Studies showed the positive impact of pensions on agricultural workers (L. Gulati, 1990). Welfare Funds for informal sector workers were studied to improve access and make the model sustainable (Kannan, 2002). However, public interventions such as land reforms and education were not insufficient to counter the marginalisation of social groups such as Dalits and Adivasis in Kerala (Sivanandan, 1992). Given the pervasive low quality of employment among the working poor the National Commission on Unorganised Enterprises (NCEUS) recommended ways and means for enhancing effective demand, decent Work and social security based on extensive review of existing schemes (Kannan & Breman, 2013). I. S. Gulati & Krishnan (1973) explored the effectiveness of fiscal interventions to enhance employment opportunities and concluded that implementation challenges and structural barriers hindered success, particularly in the informal sector. With the advent of labour market information systems, the potential for reducing labour market mismatches and enhancing employment opportunities through online intermediation services became the focus (Abraham & Sasikumar, 2017b).
Women and labour
Studies showed that gender-based occupational segmentation led to low wages, poor employment opportunities, and poor employment conditions for women (L. Gulati, 1979). Female participation in labour markets was also associated with fertility rate and family size. In the 1970s, studies explored macro statistics of women’s labour force participation and its determinants at the national level and also explored inter-state and rural-urban differences (L. Gulati, 1975, 1978). The study reveals that it was not possible to solely attribute the interstate differences in female work participation to differences in per capita income, cropping pattern, literacy, male participation rate, shares of SC and ST populations, or sex ratios (L. Gulati, 1975). G. Sen & Sen’s (1985) analysis of women’s domestic and economic activity using exploring NSS data was one of the first studies about the domestic sphere. They explored traditional economic work, unpaid economic work, and unpaid housework and found that women from better-off rural households and those with child-rearing responsibilities tended to do domestic work, and that if women withdrew from paid work they engaged in ‘other economic activity’ in and around the home. During the 1980s, another important stream of gender-based research was the analysis of women workers in specific sectors such as agriculture, fisheries, brick kilns, and other parts of the unorganised sector. These analyses were based on case studies from Kerala (L. Gulati, 1979, 1984) and census statistics at the all-India level (Sen, 1983).
A mixed-method study (Vaithegi, 2003) was conducted to investigate women’s time allocation between paid and unpaid work in Pondicherry—this was the first after a gap of two decades at the CDS. Between 2001-06, critical examinations were undertaken to explore dimensions of women’s health, education, and labour force participation using datasets such as the National Family Health Survey (NFHS), National Sample Survey (NSS), and CDS Employment and Unemployment Survey (for instance, Ravindran & Mishra (2001)). Participation among highly educated women was conditioned by demand conditions (Sebastian, 2019) while Adivasi women who suffered land dispossession were forced to integrate in the low end of occupational hierarchy. One of the current critical areas of interest is the livelihoods of poor women engaged in different occupations in Kerala (L. Gulati, 1979, 1984). Studies explored long-term national decline in female labour participation (Abraham, 2013) and attributed it to formal education, socioeconomic status, and household composition—with family income stability encouraging women to leave the labour force (Andres et al., 2017). Studies also revealed widening gender disparities in occupations and wages. Research on working mothers emphasised the interplay between women’s employment and child well-being, advocating for policies to enhance women’s bargaining power within households (Thampi, 1996). With the expansion of ICT, studies have addressed gender disparities in access to ICT and the impact of ICT on female workforce participation both in Kerala and in India as a whole (R. Jain, 2021, 2024; Shanta & Pillai, 2008). Recent research has focused on the interrelationship between gender, education and employment (Sebastian, 2019). Ongoing studies address issues of unpaid care work within households with employed women, women’s agency, network, and wellbeing (Guha, 2024; S. Jain, 2024; Mukherjee, 2024) from a capability perspective as well as exploring gendered climate change.
During the Covid-19 period, there was a renewed global focus on unpaid care work. The CDS community also contributed to this discourse by analysing the experiences of Indian middle-class and upper-middle-class women who manage paid and unpaid care work, to understand how the gendered and classed nature of the pandemic induced remote work that reinforced women’s role as caregivers (Mendonca et al., 2023).
Gender and development
The ‘Women and Development’ (WAD) approach shifted the focus from merely integrating the women into development frameworks to critically examining women’s economic participation and related dimensions. Research during this period spanned a diverse range of topics (Bacha, 1992; Deepa, 1994; Reddy, 1980; Sharma, 1995; Varma, 1993) including women’s contributions to household economies, the crises faced by women workers in industry, women’s roles in community initiatives, and a comparative analysis of women’s positions across different Kshatriya clans. Such studies were conducted in different states of India following the case approach. Additionally, broader economic roles of women and their relationship to child survival and women’s well-being were examined using macro-level data from sources such as the Census and the National Family Health Survey (S. G. Jose, 1999; Thampi, 1996). These studies, conducted between 1992 and 1999, provide a comprehensive understanding of micro- and macro-level gender dimensions in India (S. G. Jose, 1999; Simon, 1992; Varma, 1993).
Later research adopted gendered frameworks to explored diverse themes with mixed methods as part of a broad shift to a ‘Gender and Development’ (GAD) approach. Analyses ranged from indices on gender, markets for sex, the practice of endogamy, micro-credit and women’s empowerment, impact of financial incentive schemes for girls, employment relations for female domestic workers, and feminisation of local governance in Kerala. Gender-focused research over the years has shifted from women being an analytical category to addressing the structural attributes of gender.
Studies explored family planning, age at marriage and sterilisation practices. It is notable that in the 1990s and 2000s, analysis of fertility decline was specific to Kerala. Meera (1999) combined census-level analysis with a village study in Tamil Nadu to examine the patterns and causes of female infanticide. There were also discussions on Asian women’s international migration, female ageing, and the need for social security for widows (L. Gulati, 1990, 1992, 1997). The research on international female migration highlighting the need for state policies and the dominance of informal networks in recruitment was an important scholarly contribution made by the CDS community (Kodoth, 2020). Recent projects on inter-state migration have highlighted the need for extensive policies for childcare for migrants (Kodoth & Abraham, 2023).
The early 2000s saw critical engagements with the ‘Kerala model’ of development. Until then the Kerala model had been commended for gender equality based on attainments in women’s education and health. While there was improvement on development indicators related to women such as literacy, schooling, maternal mortality, and infant mortality, new research brought up issues of not only female labour force participation but also family relations, property rights, and domestic violence (Kodoth & Eapen, 2005). A study of the experience of dowry bargaining in Kerala’s matrilineal castes highlighted the persistence of old practices and customs even in ‘modern respectable society’ (Kodoth, 2008). Further, Panda’s (2004) work on domestic violence in Kerala highlights how ownership of property and social support have contributed towards reducing physical and psychological violence against women.
Scholarship at the CDS has also integrated historical perspectives to examine the interrelationship between gender and politics over the years. One of the key-research focuses has been the implications of state and welfare policies on gender and family planning in Kerala fertility decline (Devika, 2008) and more recently, familialism (Devika & Ajay, forthcoming). The community has contributed to academic learning of such issues through publications in Malayalam too, notably by J. Devika. The gender perspective has been used to critically reflect upon women’s role in local governance, Kudumbashree, leadership positions, and feminist politics (Devika, 2016; Devika & Kodoth, 2001; Devika & Thampi, 2007; Williams et al., 2015). Housing projects for low-income groups were analysed to see the connections between gendered spaces and gendered livelihoods (Abraham & Devika, 2014).
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Prepared by Ahsana, Aishwarya Prakash, Amresh Senapati, Annesha Mukherjee, Arun Balaji, Ayana Krishna D., Dr. Chandra Shekar K., Mohanmad Anfas K., Richa Baruah, Sahbnam T. P., Shonima Nalliat, Shraddha Jain, Sita Majhi, Srimanjori Guha, Prof. Vinoj Abraham, and Vishnu Ravi. Prof. Praveena Kodoth’s inputs are gratefully acknowledged.